IN May 2022 a civil case was launched against me in England. The civil trial will begin on March 9 in London and conclude on St Patrick’s Day.

There are some aspects of the case I can comment on and others I cannot at this time. Suffice to say that this is an unorthodox claim against me about events which occurred 29 and 53 years ago. In short, three claimants seek to hold me personally liable for three bombings committed by the IRA in March 1973 (at the Old Bailey), in February 1996 (at London Docklands) and in June 1996 (at the Manchester Arndale Shopping Centre).

Many innocent people were seriously hurt and three were killed in the bombings. The claimants were injured and have suffered as a result. They deserve nothing but sympathy for what they have gone through. So do all those who were killed or injured in the conflict. And their families.  

I regret all the deaths and injuries.

People are entitled to use the law. However, this case is brought decades after these incidents and decades after the Good Friday Agreement brought peace to us all. I anticipate, from public statements made by the claimants’ solicitors, that a number of former British army and RUC/PSNI witnesses will give hearsay evidence that because I was a senior republican during the conflict I must be responsible for these specific events.

I had no direct or indirect involvement in these explosions and I will robustly challenge the unsubstantiated hearsay statements that are the mainstay of the claimants’ case, which is for symbolic damages of £1.

I am honoured to have served the republican struggle as Uachtarán Shinn Féin for almost thirty-five years. In that time, we created a peace strategy, and with others a way out of conflict which led to the Good Friday Agreement. We supported and assisted the search for peace in other parts of the world.

At the same time successive generations of activists and increasing numbers of voters have built Sinn Féin into the largest political party on the island of Ireland.

The British establishment and some veterans of the British army, the RUC and British intelligence services remain deeply hostile to republicans, to Sinn Fein, and to me personally. Recently the British PM Keir Starmer, in defending the unlawful internment of hundreds of innocent prisoners without trial in the 1970s, pledged to deny me (and thereby other victims of unlawful internment) the right to redress in what amounts to an official campaign of demonisation. Others in the military establishment see republicans as the enemy they failed to defeat. Recent comments by the British Secretary of State Hilary Benn MP on this case underpin this view.

This civil action has support from British forces veterans, from English Tories, the DUP, other unionist parties and elements of the  loyal orders.

I wish to thank those who have pledged their support to my defence. 

Míle buíochas. 

In my view it is no coincidence that this case is set against a febrile political atmosphere where British army veterans and other personnel are doing everything they can to prevent scrutiny of their past actions in Ireland and potential prosecutions for the murder of innocent civilians and even their own agents, as revealed in successive reports by John Stevens, Judge Peter Cory, Desmond de Silva, many Police Ombudsman reports, inquests and last month’s Kenova Report.

I wholeheartedly share the claimants stated objectives to “establish the truth” and “an effective truth and reconciliation process”.

Over many years I have sought, in national and international meetings and negotiations, the establishment of a truth and reconciliation process that would allow all victims of the conflict to achieve truth and accountability. I was among those who successfully negotiated the Stormont House Agreement in 2014, agreed by all of the parties and two governments, which was intended to address this issue.

Mechanisms to deal with the legacy of the past have been agreed, then reneged upon, then subverted by successive British governments, including agreements with the Irish government.

I remain committed to the establishment of a truth and reconciliation process in which all victims of the conflict can achieve truth and hopefully some measure of closure for the hurt they have suffered.

This civil action is not a truth and reconciliation process. It is a highly political and strategic legal action. Those establishment figures who support it aim to blame republicans for the conflict while diverting attention from their role, policies, repression, repeated law breaking and interference in Irish affairs.

I offer no criticism of the claimants, but those people who support this case from the shadows are wedded to the past and unable to accept the new reality of our island moving towards self-determination and unity.

Trump’s armada adventure obscures the Gaza truth

AS the world ponders the implications of US President Donald Trump’s talk of an ‘armada’ heading for Iran; or his latest threat of tariffs against Canada; or his ongoing threats against Cuba, Greenland and Europe; the so-called ceasefire in the Gaza Strip which he brokered in October has been breached over 1300 times by the Israeli apartheid regime. 509 Palestinians have been killed.

NEW THREAT: The aircraft carrier the USS Abraham Lincoln is steaming towards the Persian Gulf
2Gallery

NEW THREAT: The aircraft carrier the USS Abraham Lincoln is steaming towards the Persian Gulf

In just one morning last week, Israeli attacks on Gaza City and Khan Younis left 31 Palestinians, including six children, dead. The limited medical facilities were overwhelmed with the dead and wounded.

Two weeks ago Israel’s war against the Palestinian people entered a deadly new phase when the Headquarters of UNRWA in East Jerusalem were demolished by the Israeli government. Under the ceasefire agreement proposed by the USA four months ago, humanitarian aid, led by the United Nations and the Red Crescent was supposed to be able to enter Gaza without interference. That is not happening. The amount of aid currently getting into the Gaza Strip is inadequate to meet the needs of a population enduring a catastrophic humanitarian crisis. At the weekend, Sam Rose, the head of UNWRA in Gaza, graphically described the current situation: “Winter rains have turned displacement camps into seas of mud, exacerbating suffering and significantly increasing the risk of disease outbreaks. This month alone, seven UNRWA school compounds in eastern Gaza have been demolished by Israeli forces.”

Israel has ignored the international condemnation of its demolition of UNWRA’s headquarters. Is anyone surprised by this arrogance? After almost two and a half years of genocide and no meaningful response from many in the international community, Israel feels emboldened to continue its actions. Words of condemnation are insufficient when standing up to a genocidal bully. The Irish government has the opportunity to take the international lead on this by passing into law the Occupied Territories Bill. That Micheál Martin continues to prevaricate  as two million Palestinians struggle to survive is a disgrace.

Well done, Bruce

I have been very fortunate over the years to see Bruce Springsteen live. The concerts and the music are amazing. The Boss’s lyrics are sharp and he is unafraid to sing about the politics that anger and outrage him. ‘Born in the USA’ is an anthem against the War in Vietnam. ‘Streets of Philadelphia’ highlighted the aids crisis.

Last week he turned his ire on the behaviour of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents.

Springsteen dedicated the song – Streets of Minneapolis–- to “the people of Minneapolis, our innocent immigrant neighbours and in memory of Alex Pretti and Renee Good.”

Well done Bruce.