MÁLA POIST: Much work needed before a ‘New Ireland’
‘PLANNING for a Strong Economy in a New Ireland’ will bring little comfort to those living in socially deprived areas across the North. I read the introduction to new Ireland’s Future document and whilst I welcome the report and the first sign of actual figures in this debate for unification, it fails to address the fact that for over two decades we have had a power-sharing Executive in place. It fails to acknowledge social deprivation levels in the North. Instead, it focuses solely on partition and the crippling effect on the economy and, of course, ‘The Brits’. Political parties here, to their credit, are localised and often work ‘on the ground’ but how have they managed to shape legislation to address social deprivation? There are many issues that need resolved before we step into a New Ireland and I aim to highlight a few. I would like to ask Ireland’s Future if they have visited the areas and taken account of the crippling effect of anti-social behaviour and all too common drug dealers? I would also ask where are the strong anti-drug messages from the parties who represent these areas? Where is Sinn Féin’s call to report drug dealers to the PSNI and where is the public campaign to root out these elements that literally suck the life blood out of many communities? There is a clear link between poverty and drug crime in the areas included in the NIMDM reports and the PSNI crime figures. I would therefore ask the serious question of what has changed for the people living in the areas in terms of opportunity and quality of life? Belfast (N), Strabane and Derry regions remain the poorest and most deprived despite 23 years of power sharing. Who is going to see parts of this ‘New Ireland’? They have heard the same rhetoric for the GFA and this was the sea change that would bring prosperity and stability to those communities – yes, the sectarian violence has stopped and nobody supports a return to violence. But since 1998 until now (give or take a few years of hiatus) what has changed for those people and why should they, working class communities, buy into this ‘New Ireland’ when they have already been part of something that largely failed them? Sinn Fein have a lot of convincing to do and it is in their wards or districts that poverty levels remain highest, which exposes the fallacy of their leadership – they have all but erased the term ‘working class’ from their literature (you will struggle to find this on their website or in their speeches). In fact, they only refer to working class loyalists when they are discussing failed leadership from their Unionist counterparts. We can blame the DUP for RHI and austerity, but Sinn Féin were willing partners and were tasked with the role of the night watchman. They failed miserably and they have failed to protect the most vulnerable – Unionist leaders called for ‘civil disobedience’ over the flag dispute; Sinn Fein arranged a march against austerity but only brought down Stormont for three years over an Irish Language Act and pressures from RHI – poverty and deprivation are trumped by party politics. They have demonstrated a willingness to share power but not responsibility. Are they the party of protest they once were? There are historical points to remember here too. Sinn Féin did not create the current power sharing executive – this was the largely to the credit of the SDLP. They did not end the armed struggle – the British Government did and at a time of their choosing; and they have not introduced any meaningful or inventive legislation in Stormont worth speaking of – in fact, Westminster has legislated on their behalf with all the progressive ideals that they claim to hold. We can blame the DUP and their intransigence, but it is not them or themselves alone who hold the power. Sinn Féin have, for a time, been a party of opposition but have not managed to convince enough of the middle ground to jump ship nor have they any legislation to show for in terms of Stormont. This brings me to my final point. If this were a job interview and I was asking the question ‘describe a time when you achieved something as part of a team or dealt with a difficult situation and provided a positive outcome’ I think the silence would be deafening. Personally, I am a Nationalist and have, like many before me, held the romantic view of a New Ireland in my youth – but the reality is stark. I want unification, but not at the expense of social justice and leaving those people in the wake of nostalgia. Nostalgia does not put food on the table or provide stability for families. With a more educated and tech-savvy youth, who are politically active and aware, and an educated middle class who are post-Good Friday Agreement, I would urge extreme caution on the part of Sinn Féin before they decide to push the all-island envelope. The ship is set to sail, but many of our fellow Irish citizens will we be leaving in our economic utopian wake to sink, swim or drown. In the words of Teddy Roosevelt, ‘Rhetoric is a poor substitute for action – if we are really to be a great nation, we must not merely talk; we must act big.’Patrick Flynn, Belfast
