Andrée Murphy hails from Dublin but has lived in Belfast since 1994.
She is the Deputy Director of Relatives for Justice, a national victim support NGO which provides advocacy and therapeutic support for the bereaved and injured of the conflict. Holding a Masters Degree in international human rights law, Andrée's particular expertise and research on women affected by conflict trauma has seen her provide evidence to the United Nations in Geneva and to Congressional hearings in the US.
Andrée is a columnist for Belfast Media Group and is a regular contributor to broadcast media, providing political analysis and commentary.
THERE are things that seem like a really good idea at the time but then experience prompts us to ask if they really are.
WHEN Mary Robinson was first elected to the Presidency there was a sense of “shift”. The South of Ireland gave its first sign that it was breaking the hegemony of Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael, and was more outward-looking.
THE combined actions and inactions of the DUP and the Orange Order this week tell of a unique local psychosis of being at once deeply insecure and at the same time incredible arrogant. How lovely to have a home-grown disorder. It is almost as if they don’t want the place to work at all.
IDENTIFIED as firmly a voice for the dispossessed and marginalised, Uachtarán Catherine Connolly has caught a mood that has been simmering but lacking confidence for too long. Its day has come and Ireland will potentially, if we can continue to be brave, have its traumatic past changed to a healing and united future.
MAYBE Justice Lynch felt he was acknowledging the Bloody Sunday families when he spoke of the Parachute Regiment’s actions in Derry 1972 being a source of shame. However, referring to the “proud reputation” of the regiment denied the reality of the experience of thousands who met the Parachute Regiment in Ireland.
THE Deputy First Minister’s remarks on Presidential voting rights are another sign that the DUP will never understand what power-sharing actually mean. And they are instructive in how the main party of unionism views Irish citizenry and the Good Friday Agreement itself.
IT is so clearly not a peace deal. It is so clearly a pause of uncertainty, of unfairness, of threat and of inequality.
IT'S hard to sum up the absolute car crash of the Southern Presidential election in ways that are kind, positive or contributory right now. With what were three pretty underwhelming candidates, who could have expected the thrills and spills of the weekend?
BERLIN 1989. The communist efidice is crumbling. Citizens of the country decide to hop over the Berlin Wall and some start taking out the Kangol hammers.
THE September air turned crisp this week as we were reminded that despite the turmoil of the world, the seasons will come, and the earth will remind us of the forces greater than our imagination.
I NEARLY choked on my Sunday fry reading the headline: “The UK will not surrender its flag to those who wish to use it as a symbol of violence, fear and division."
AS the Presidential campaign is proving, Ireland is now in the middle of a period of heightened debate on constitutional change.
THE democratic process is a wonderful thing – and the vote for an Irish President all the more so.
ONE of the surprises of Féile this year was the repeated reference to Irish neutrality and the passionate response every time it was mentioned. It became clear by the end of the week that this is an issue that Irish people feel strongly about, an issue that they view in the context of the diminishing of the peace and security of the globe, and that it matters in the constitutional debate.
NATIONALISM is in a bind. It has gained and maintained a significant share of the vote from unionism, and received enough transfers from Alliance voters to earn the First Minister position.